Sher Khashimov

The Central Asian media landscape is undergoing significant transformations, driven by rising smartphone penetration, increased use of social media, and the emergence of new media publishers and broadcasters. This report provides a comprehensive overview of media outlets in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, known collectively as the Central Asian Republics. This report aims to inform European policymakers and communicators, helping them to navigate the information environment in Central Asia, to devise strategies to counter foreign information manipulation and interference (FIMI), and to support media projects and programs to enhance media quality and independence.

The Wagner Group is likely a front for a quasi-governmental collective of active reservists in the Russian special forces operating covertly on contract outside of Russian territory for state-managed energy and arms companies.

In this report, we examine the landscape of religious and charitable nonprofits in Indiana. We focus primarily on differences among three types of nonprofits – congregations, other faith-based nonprofits, and secular comparison charities. We aim to answer several important questions about religious congregations and other faith-based nonprofits. We first consider whether and how they vary in terms of basic organizational dimensions – age, size, formalization, access to information technology, funding profile, and location. Next, we consider financial dimensions- change in revenue and expenses. We then explore human resource dimensions – whether they have an executive director, number of volunteers, importance of volunteers, number of board members, and number of board vacancies.

The Central Asian republics, in particular Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan, have become accustomed to exporting excess labor capacity, generating much-needed revenue for households, and relieving pressure on their governments to create jobs and provide public goods and services. But the Covid-19 pandemic laid bare the vulnerabilities of the region’s over-dependence on migration.

Barely twenty-four hours after the polls closed in Kyrgyzstan’s flawed parliamentary election in October, protesters stormed and occupied the White House, the home of Kyrgyzstan’s executive and legislative branches. The people of Kyrgyzstan woke up the next morning to images of protesters drinking tea in President Soronbai Jeenbekov’s office while politicians who had just been sprung from prison held rallies on Ala-Too Square. Overnight, the protesters had managed to fracture Kyrgyzstan’s political status quo.

The long-term effects of migration from Central Asia are more negative than positive. Socially, migration is resulting in a brain drain, particularly in Kazakhstan, with the most talented and qualified Central Asians staying abroad permanently, degrading their countries’ social fabric. Economically, migration is making the region, particularly Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan, even more vulnerable to external shocks and is disincentivizing the government from developing the economy. Politically, migration is serving as a pressure valve that prevents the buildup of unemployment-fueled social and political frustration and helps the undemocratic regimes to stay in power.

The Central Asia Protest Tracker (CAPT) dataset produced by a team at the Oxus Society for Central Asian Affairs mapped out a total of 981 incidents in the five Central Asian republics Kazakhstan (520 protests), Kyrgyzstan (351 protests), Tajikistan (27 protests), Turkmenistan (9 protests), and Uzbekistan (74 protests) from January 1, 2018 to August 31, 2020.